This is why the Deep State and the corrupt corporate media lost their minds when we busted them for this. They knew it was a fatal flaw in their little op. So they did the only thing they know how to do: lie, deny, and hide. https://t.co/NCGvOH5Wox
— Sean Davis (@seanmdav) April 16, 2026
… the first two instruction pages in which the firsthand requirement was stated. While Atkinson subsequently changed the form, it was the earlier form that was submitted (sans the two instruction pages.)Back in 2019, we knew that Atkinson had changed the form, but we didn't KNOW whether Ciaramella had used the new form or the old form. It turns out that he had used the old form - the form which required first hand knowledge. The copy of Ciaramella form made public excluded… https://t.co/Pt1yS0nNAj
— Stephen McIntyre (@ClimateAudit) April 16, 2026
Atkinson's position was that Ciaramella had first hand knowledge of some things. However, the things that he had first hand knowledge of do not appear to have been especially relevant.
Atkinson cited Grassley as authority that secondhand information should be permitted for a whistleblower report. But Atkinson glossed over difference between a non-urgent concern and an urgent concern. This doesn't seem to have been focussed on in discussion. The requirement for firsthand knowledge was reasonable enough for an "urgent" concern.
Another point that hasn't been discussed much. In the Solomon articles in March-April 2019 which led into these discussions, there was discussion of Ukrainian interference in the 2016 election. Trump's contiguous discussion of the CrowdStrike server supports the possibility that Trump was seeking investigation of 2016 election interference - an entirely proper request - as opposed to anticipatory interference in the 2020 election. One of the major misunderstandings of Ukrainian interference in the 2016 is that the interference was initiated by Biden cadres (especially at the Jan 2016 meeting with Ukrainiain prosecutors and Biden cadres while Biden was a leading candidate for nomination) and resulted in the Black Ledger operation that decapitated Paul Manafort as campaign chair in August 2016. The role of Biden cadres in this interference has been clouded by incorrect pointing at Clinton campaign.
There was obviously no way that any of Ciaramella, Wilde or Atkinson could have reasonably been sure that the issues raised by Trump weren't related to past 2016 events, as opposed to still distant 2020 events where Biden's nomination was far from guaranteed.
The issue of Ukrainian interference in the 2016 election surfaced from time to time in the 2019 impeachment hearings, but was ridiculed and shouted down by State Department officials. None of the Republicans or their staff appear to have been well enough informed to focus on the valid issues.